he exclusion of all but the most
skilled workers from the craft union movement did not mean that others
did not organize in the early twentieth century. Miners in British
Columbia and Nova Scotia engaged in serious confrontations with mine
owners; for example, in 1901 in Rossland, British Columbia and in
1909 in Nova Scotia the militia was used against the strikers. In both
cases, the workers had rejected the craft union approach to organizing
in favour of industrial unionism (industrial unions organized all
workers - from the skilled to the labourer - into a single unit). Mine
owners disliked industrial unions because they believed they gave
workers too much power. On the other hand, this was precisely why
industrial unionism was attractive to a growing number of workers,
especially those in the resource industries.
In 1905, a group of socialist labour leaders gathered in Chicago to
form the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), otherwise referred to
as the Wobblies. The Western Federation of Miners, which had led the
Rossland strike, was one of the IWW's first affiliates. IWW organizers
travelled through the mining, railway, and other resource industry
camps in British Columbia and western Alberta. They rallied the
workers to industrial unionism, which made good sense in the large
camps of migrant resource workers, many of whom were recent immigrants
to Canada. Workers were attracted to the IWW because it was attentive
to their needs. IWW literature was published in several languages and
its union halls offered friendship and entertainment for these
itinerant labourers. The IWW was famous for its songs, collected in
the Big Red Song Book. Many, like "Solidarity Forever," became anthems
of the labour movement.
The IWW was known for its emphasis on industrial action rather than
politics. The union never shied away from strikes and even advocated
the use of the general strike to achieve its goals. Business and
government leaders strenuously opposed the rise of the IWW. They did
everything possible to blunt the union's popularity. This was most
obvious in 1912 when the IWW led a massive strike in the construction
camps of the Canadian Northern Railway in British Columbia. Demands
for improved living conditions in the camps of mostly immigrant
workers - some I.W.W. meetings were conducted in up to sixteen
languages - met with stern resistance from the company and provincial
government. In the face of these combined forces, the workers
ultimately lost this struggle. This defeat combined with the
continuous harassment the organization faced wherever it went in the
West weakened it. In 1913, the Depression, which hurt the craft
unions, brought an end to most IWW activity in Canada. Many
construction camps closed and their workers were scattered across the
continent, robbing the IWW of its main constituency. The union never
regained its pre-war prominence.
The IWW's legacy is an important one. Its voice was the only one
for the thousands of isolated, itinerant workers suffering in the
harsh camps of western Canada's construction and resource industries.
The union also served as a reminder that there were alternatives to
the craft union model of labour organizing.
The I.W.W. was not the only force behind the rise of industrial
unionism in the years leading to World War I. In Quebec, the
predominantly French and female workers in the textile industry
organized themselves into an industrial union and led a massive
strike in 1907. In Montreal, Toronto, and Hamilton the largely female,
Jewish workers in the clothing trades also attempted to create
industrial unions. None, though, found lasting success. In western
Canada, industrial unionism did receive an important boost just before
World War I. Both the Alberta and British Columbia Federations of
Labour endorsed the concept and promised a campaign to convert the
Trades and Labor Congress to industrial unionism.
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