acing strong opposition from
employers and Government, Canadian workers looked to the craft
union movement in the United States for organizing help. Craft
unions in the United States had evolved through the 1890s into
what became known as business unions. These unions responded to
the rise of corporate America by centralizing their own operations
and decision making, hiring more permanent officials to oversee
the operations of the union, and organizers to work full time on
the difficult task of organizing workers. They also pioneered the
creation of centralized strike funds and benefits for their members.
Many craft union locals hired full-time business agents to lead
organizing drives and to negotiate and enforce union contracts.
Craft unions concentrated on winning binding contracts with
employers and, whenever possible, securing industry-wide agreements.
Organizations such as the United Mine Workers of America and
the International Association of Machinists militantly defended
their members in disputes with employers. Their determination won
these unions increasing support in the United States.
Craft unions created the American Federation of Labor (AFL). This
national federation of unions served as a parliament for labour. The
AFL co-ordinated organizing activities among its member unions and
sorted out disputes that arose among them. It also represented the
craft unions' political interests by appearing regularly before
governments debating labour issues.
However, there were important limitations to the AFL and the craft
union movement. On the one hand, the emphasis on preserving craft
jurisdictions helped unions to win concessions from employers; on
the other hand, this practice excluded the majority of working people
from joining these unions. Consequently, semi-skilled workers and
labourers whose ranks were increasing rapidly with the rise of mass
production went unorganized. Most women were to be found in these
ranks and therefore played only a minor role in the craft union
movement. Some craft unions had discriminatory policies. Clauses in
some union charters excluded Afro-Americans and Asians from membership.
INTERNATIONAL UNIONS AND CANADIAN WORKERS
Canadian craft workers increasingly looked southward to the AFL
unions for organizing support. The AFL's
expertise in union organizing and collective bargaining appealed to
Canadian workers. Access to the centralized resources of the American
unions, such as strike funds, also attracted the attention of Canada's
struggling craft workers. Finally, Canadian workers accepted the
international ideal of these unions. After all, they were all craft
workers who faced the same attitudes, if not in fact the same
employers, whether they lived north or south of the border.
On the strength of this relationship with AFL unions, combined
their own determination: Canadian workers joined unions in numbers
not witnessed since the era of the Knights of Labor. The railway
running trades workers — engineers, conductors, trainmen,
machinists, moulders, boilermakers, carpenters, bricklayers, and
upholsters, were among the many trades joining the international unions.
Union membership soared to 160,000 by 1912. Increasing strike activity
reflected the intense bargaining of the period. In 1912, strike
action peaked in the pre-World War I period with 242 strikes
involving 43,000 workers.
The record of the craft union movement in Canada was mixed. On the
one hand, many unionized craft workers won improved wages and
standards of living. On the other hand, some workers complained that
AFL unions centralized decision making south of the border. In a
particularly nasty episode in 1902 at a convention in Kitchener,
Ontario, the Trades and Labor Congress (TLC) expelled all its Canadian
unions for whom there was an AFL alternative (often referred to as
"dual unionism"). This decision affected the remnants of the Knights
of Labor and the Provincial Workmen's Association, as well as many
independent unions in Quebec. The TLC took this action at the request
of the AFL. In return for the exclusion of these dual or rival unions,
the AFL promised the struggling TLC leadership financial and other
organizing assistance. This decision fragmented the Canadian labour
movement for many years.
As the craft unions carved out their place in industry, they also
searched for greater solidarity amongst themselves. In many cities
and towns across the country they created local trades and labour
councils to co-ordinate political campaigns, organize union drives,
and petition governments. Many experimented with the publication of
weekly or monthly labour-orientated newspapers. Most councils met
bi-weekly in local fraternal or other rented spaces. But a few of
the larger and more stable councils built "labour temples," like
Winnipeg's Trades and Labour Hall. (The Room 10, James St. Labour
Temple Exhibit, Canada Hall, at the Canadian Museum of Civilization
is based on Winnipeg's original central labour hall.)
Labour councils had an important political role in their
communities. They lobbied local and provincial governments on safety
and workers' compensation issues and addressed many concerns about
how their communities were to be developed. Some councils entered
labour candidates in elections and tried to maintain their own
independent labour parties. While electoral success usually evaded
these parties, their presence did pressure provincial governments
into legislating improvements through factory and workers'
compensation acts.
The success of the craft union movement was met by a stiffening
resolve among corporate leaders to resist and, indeed, reverse union
gains. As World War I approached, employers launched anti-union
"open shop" campaigns. Once again, union activists found themselves
the targets of firings, blacklistings, and, all too often, physical
beatings. Governments and the courts rarely intervened on bahalf of the
workers. But it took the severe depression that began in 1913 to halt
completely the advance of the craft union movement. It quickly threw
thousands of workers out of work and left labour activists waiting for
better economic times to revive their movement. When that revival did
come in 1916, it took a form that few of the craft leaders had anticipated
in 1913.
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